FTI’s third annual conference was held on 18 and 19 February 2012 in Mumbai.
Participants:
Participated on both days (17 members): Supratim Basu, Vishal Singh, Piyush Bansal, Sameer Panje, LK Kandpal, Akalpita Paranjpe, AR Patil, Venkat (Barry) Bharathan, KK Verma, Arvind Ilamaran, Stalin Anbalagan, Vijay Mohan, Arun Shankar, Sanjeev Sabhlok, Anubhava Srivastava, Anubhav Lal, Dipinder Sekhon. 1 ½ days (1 member): Rahul Pandit 1 day (2 members): Kamal Kishore Sharma and Sandeep Shelke ½ day (1 member): Shantanu Bhagwat
In all, 21 members (out of well over 100) attended. Many members who attended previous conferences could not make it. Some members (like Sanjeev) attend only every alternate one due to the costs involved). While not ideal, the conference provided sufficient evidence, if any is needed, of the high quality of individuals who have joined FTI.
Participants who remained at about 5 pm on the second day (Sunday) are depicted in the photo below.
(Click for larger image)
This blog post summarises the discussions and focuses on key agreements:
FTI’s roles and responsibilities
A concern was raised by that absence of clear roles could be a root cause of a perception among some people that “no action was happening in FTI”. While FTI has some clear (e.g. Secretary, Treasurer, FTI managers group, etc.) there was need to get greater focus.
It was noted that FTI had successfully completed a large number of projects so far. Some of these include, with key project leaders indicated in parentheses:
a) The website and logo (Anil/ Anubhava)
b) Registration of FTI (LK Kandpal/ Ajay Anand)
c) Letters to independents (Ajay)
d) IT system including Forum (Anubhava)
e) Rules of FTI (Supratim/Kamal)
f) Brochure (Supratim)
g) Outreach events (numerous) – e.g. Shantanu (across India), Anil (Allahabad), Sanjeev (Delhi, Guwahati), Sanjay Mehrotra (Bangalore) (supported by LKK, Dipinder, Suneeta, etc.)
h) Magazine – Sanjeev
i) Management of new applicants: FTI Managers (Anupam, Ajay)
j) Organisation of annual conferences: Mumbai and Delhi chapters
k) etc. etc.
FTI doesn't have money or command structure to motivate action. It also doesn’t want a command structure. What is needed is a set of well-defined causes/projects that will motivate members and get greater participation.
Decision:
It was decided to streamline FTI’s roles to get results and increase momentum. It was agreed that all causes/ projects should have volunteer coordinator as team leader/coordinator/project manager. Members who volunteered for such roles would then provide their proposals to the FTI Forum, outlining what they will do and the support they need.
Potential roles:
Various roles were identified. Participants also offered to undertake specific roles. The following is an illustrative list. The names allocated against these area have been removed from the published list:
Web-cordinator
College outreach coordinator
Marketing coordinator
Policy coordinator/s
Sharing across local chapters coordinator
Reaching out to renowned personalities
Media and PR coordinator
Networking with groups, associations, occupations, small business
Events coordinator:
School outreach coordinator
Branding FTI
Web community creation
Collecting membership fee
Membership Process
Blogging
Writing in the media
Membership drive
Funding needs assessment
Simplification of policy documents
Standard operating procedure (SOP) coordinator
Induction coordinator
Social network coordinator
Facebook coordinator
Twittter coordinator
Electronic media coordinator
Freedom Partner group coordinator
Communication coordinator
Internal communications coordinator
Content generation for website
Internal newsletter (summary of forum and google group info)
Ground work coordinator (e.g. leveraging issues)
etc.
Flexibility on policy
Should FTI seek tight coherence on policy positions or whether we members should be allowed some latitude on policies?
It was agreed that some flexibility, within a tight boundary of liberty, was acceptable, along with an opportunity for debate and discussion.
New members should be encouraged to test their understanding. Older members must have some patience with these discussions, and help new members to reach coherence. Policy discussions are the best way for new members to actually learn liberty and capitalism.
However, we are not in the business of changing the mindsets of dedicated socialists or communists – so, our joining conditions would continue to insist on adherence to classical liberalism. Fundamentals/ basics of classical liberalism can not be compromised.
Leadership process
A question was raised about FTI’s leadership process. Why would anyone contribute to FTI’s growth if they did not know whether their work would be recognised when decisions are taken by FTI to nominate people for constituencies. And what would happen, for instance, if 10 FTI members wanted to contest from the Gurgaon constituency, how would this conflict be resolved?
While there is no precise model on FTI for such leadership, it is clearly understood that the team, through its own deliberations, will arrive at processes for such matters at the appropriate time. It is expected that the contributions made by team members would be pivotal in a particular member’s prospects in a particular situation.
It was agreed that FTI must respect the contributions of members of the team and acknowledge these contributions. There must be a culture of giving credit to members who lead (and deliver) various projects. (FTI is working on a document to publish successful projects undertaken by FTI members so far)
It was also agreed that all roles (except those which are legally required, e.g. Secretary and Treasurer) should be called Acting roles. Also, all members should take the role of Acting Coordinators for a particular constituency. Where there are more than one FTI members, these members could work out a process within themselves. Having an acting role implies flexibility. All such roles can be replaced by anyone else through a competitive process (e.g. election).
Information gap
There is activity taking place on the ground (Akalpita/ AR Patil) about which most team members are not aware. A coordination mechanism was proposed to ensure that such activities are widely known within FTI.
Experience of Mumbai 227
Akalpita Paranjpe (supported by Arun Shankar) explained the process of arriving at a decision to contest MCD elections, the process followed (including how candidates were shortlisted), the results, and the lessons learnt
Key lessons learnt
- The application process for candidates must be simple.
- The entire details of the application process must be stated in advance
- The problem of reserved seats needs considerable thought
- It is very difficult to bring small, new parties together to form a bigger whole (party). It is better to get the same people on a common platform (i.e. coalition)
- Due to logistics issues within cities (traffic, lack of venues, etc.) it is necessary to build an effective conference call system for coordination and communication with all team members.
- The key messages did not percolate through to the voters due to multiple issues
Political positioning
The team first identified a key position in the political space that FTI members should aim to occupy. Examples of existing political spaces include:
US Republicans: opposition to abortion, limited government, national interest.
BJP: Hindtuva, supports business
Shiv Sena and other regional groups: son of the soil (Marathi manus)
Congress: aam aadmi/ mai-baap sarkar (sarkar will do everything)
BSP: Dalit identity
Communists: worker’s rights/ equality
The discussion identified the following potential spaces for FTI: Economic/political
Limited government (e.g. limited taxation/ simplified taxation)
National interest (defence/ global status or presence/ foreign policy)
Freedom of speech
Sound money
Education and infrastructure (e.g. internet to reach the poor, roads)
Enabling Indians
Better prices for produce
Indian common market
Public security/ security of person/ people security
Health – approachable, affordable
Property rights
Justice
Ethical prosperity
Urban governance
Root cause of corruption – what is FTI doing about corruption?
Decentralalisation
Rewrite the Constitution
Water/ mineral rights
Agenda 365 (we should have one item for each of the first 365 days)
Social
Zero reservations
Anti-regionalism
Anti-Caste
Anti-continuing perception that India will remain poor
As a result of extensive discussion/ voting, the overarching space was prosperity, supported by limited government, security and justice.
Potential causes/ issues/ protests
The team then discussed potential causes that would help FTI occupy these political positions in the public mind.
Before identifying the specific cause/ issues, the framework for causes/ protests/ issues was identified. It was agreed that no cause that FTI promotes should go outside the following bounds:
a) A cause which FTI leads should unite people from various groups. FTI should also join/ support other like-minded positions
b) A token Gandhian protest is acceptable where FTI believes that a particular law in India is incompatible with the principles outlined in the triangle, above. (This means public opposition to the law and explaining why it is harmful.)
c) The cause/protest should be undertaken within FTI's capacity (resources).
Many ideas were identified but after discussion the following options remained on the table:
Potential causes PILs that oppose existing policies
PIL to reduce tenure of elected assemblies from 5 to 3 years
PIL on freedom of speech
PIL to open bank with note issue rights (issuing currency)
PIL to remove discretionary powers of Ministers to allocate national resources
Causes that oppose existing policies
Flag hoisting in Kashmir
Return freebies to government (i.e. directly return a subsidy to government)
Opposing foreign aid (e.g. picketing South Block, not the donor nation’s embassy)
(The challenge of) building a Road to Freedom
Reforming media
Depoliticise local government
Allowing private news radio channels
Autorickshaw licensing
Street hawkers' problems (hafta, etc.)
Land acquisition act
Privatisation of public transport
(The challenge of) establishing a school
Marketplace for resources
Film industry liberalisation
Electoral reforms and corruption (e.g. issue re: tampering with electoral machine)
Promoting entrepreneurship
Administrative reforms
Fair trade
Abolish deficit financing (balanced budget)
Abolish labour laws/ APMC (?)
Reduce tax benefits to NGOs
Actions that increase awareness
Colleges – debating society
Conducting street plays
Platform of like-minded people
Final list
After extensive debate and voting, the following issues were selected:
1) Build Road to Freedom
2) Liberalisation of private transport
3) Flag hoisting in Kashmir
4) Electoral reforms
5) Return freebies
Each of the members/s who proposed these causes would propose next steps.
The Delhi FTI chapter experience
Dipinder explained how the Delhi chapter has grown, and outlined the various actions it has undertaken. These include:
Getting buy-in/commitment from one or two other members to help build the chapter together (for single member chapters, it may be useful to work with one or more freedom partners initially)
Regular meetings (every month) with fixed time (2nd Saturday afternoons) and fixed place, and discipline to come to these meetings (even if there is just one other person joining). More frequent (weekly or fortnightly) sub-chapter meetings (eg. Gurgaon).
Agenda in these meetings included a mix of: local political/policy issues, FTI local activities/events, more clarity about FTI structure/plans (eg. platform vs party), discussions around issues being discussed on the national forum, participation in national initiatives (eg. letters to independents activity) ,meeting with potential new members or partners (typically towards the end of the meetings) etc.
Phone chats/SMS reminders, in addition to emails via fti-delhi google group
Other meets/events around visits of outside-delhi members eg. Sanjeev, Shantanu etc.
Outreach events including at IIT Delhi, Chandigarh, 2nd Annual Conference (which included discussions with other ‘new ethical’ political outfits) etc
From one active member in August 2009 (and six other relatively inactive members), Delhi now has 13 active members and 12 relatively inactive members.
Membership process review
FTI agreed to launch a review of the membership process on FTI that would include capturing (and maintaining) phone, location information of all members (old and new), so they could be effectively connected with local chapters.
Training in leadership and political action
It was decided that training in actual political action on the ground would be coordinated by Akalpita, and JP of Lok Satta would be invited as appropriate.
Other matters
Other matters discussed included FTI’s monthly conference, review of this conference and suggestions to improve the next conference, and T-shirt sales.
Summation
Sanjeev summed up the conference and noted that this had been an extremely successful conference. We are going out with renewed confidence and focus. In particular, actions arising from this conference should be implemented and followed up.
He compared the task with that of climbing Mt. Everest. There are three stages to climbing the mountain: drawing board stage, base camp, and then the climb. We are currently at the initial stage and are preparing for the base camp when all resources, plans and actions would be ready. This includes forming a significant understanding of the political marketplace and doing appropriate work to build demand.
Our job is NOT merely to find leaders and do nothing. We are working on many fronts:
- finding the best talent in India (and converting others)
- training them in leadership (including public speaking/ local language communication)
- branding these leaders as HIGH QUALITY
- occupying specific political spaces in the public mind through strategic actions
- designing and testing the messages through intensive interaction with the people of Bharat
- preparing detailed polices so we have policy alignment as a group of leaders
- preparing all logistical (and internal communication) systems
- fund raising
- practice (dry run) of elections and electoral laws
- building a massive support base of leaders in each constituency
etc etc.
All this MUST come together first. Then the people of India will automatically welcome FTI leaders with open arms. Till the people of India want FTI leaders we know we have not done our homework properly. Homework has to be comprehensive, covering all bases.
Vote of thanks
Participants gave a round of applause to the Mumbai team for organising the wonderful conference.
FTI has agreed to the following draft position on the Lokpal Bill (all FTI documents are draft documents, subject to ongoing improvement).
1. What is the Freedom Team of India?
The Freedom Team of India (FTI) is a team of leaders who will, with due preparation, contest elections on a platform of world’s best policies to increase the liberty and prosperity of Indian citizens.
FTI’s ideas are based on the philosophy of classical liberalism (which is the polar opposite of socialism). Classical liberalism insists on equal liberty for all, while ensuring accountability. We encourage you to consider FTI’s policy principles at: http://freedomteam.in/blog/draft-policies.
FTI’s members maintain and are required to always maintain the highest standards of integrity in public life. Through its code of conduct and other processes FTI guarantees the quality and integrity of its members.India can confidently entrust its future to FTI members, who are always ready to be held to account. FTI membership is seal of quality in public life.
2. FTI stand on the Jan Lokpal institution
FTI applauds Anna Hazare, Baba Ramdev and Arvind Kejriwal, among others, for their fight against deeply entrenched political and bureaucratic corruption in India.
For such effort to be effective, however, careful understanding of the causes of corruption is necessary. For instance, a question is sometimes asked: Why doesn’t FTI make its own draft Jan Lokpal Bill and share it online?
That is because FTI does not believe that (under the current system of socialist governance) a Lokpal offers a genuine solution to India’s rampant corruption. Therefore FTI does not wish to offer a draft Bill that will not meet the objective.
Instead, FTI offers more: a package of reforms which is guaranteed to achieve integrity in public life and increase India’s opportunities for prosperity.
This will be explained below.
3. India’s many problems have a common source: socialism
Before a doctor can successfully treat a disease, he must diagnose it correctly. He must understand its cause.
Team Anna believes that corruption arises because too many Indians are bad. If this is right, then the solution should be to punish bad Indians. FTI accepts that there are a large number of corrupt Indians who must be punished through an effective system of rule of law. FTI’s diagnosis, however, is focused on underlying causes, and therefore, in building a lasting solution.
FTI believes that corruption arises from poorly designed governance systems, based on the philosophy of socialism. FTI believes that no Indian is born corrupt but badly designed systems motivate them to become corrupt. The same Indians who are corrupt and incompetent in India often do wonderfully well (and honestly) in the West. A bad system can make a genius look like an idiot. On the other hand, through a good system, even “ordinary” people can perform great deeds.
Since the past six decades, all public policy in India is based on the socialist model, which empowers governments to directly operate businesses as well as to interfere with the free interactions of citizens. This creates strong incentives for politicians to sell favours (rent seeking) and thus become corrupt.
Socialist hypocrisy also permeates India’s electoral system, in which everyone knows that political parties spend tens of crores of rupees in each parliamentary election, but all candidates declare falsely that they spend less than Rs.25 lakhs.
In brief, it is the philosophy of socialism leads to hypocrisy, dishonesty, and corruption. Without removing this dreaded philosophy fromIndia, corruption can never be removed. Witch-hunts to identify “corrupt” individuals won’t solve the problem of corruption.
4. FTI’s solution to the problem of corruption
Under today’s socialistic dispensation, no political party can survive without corruption. Politicians need huge sums of money for elections which they have to raise through corrupt means. They also need the support of corrupt officials.
While an effective Lokpal can reduce corruption, this can only happen when systemic corruption has been first addressed. Systemic reform essentially involves two key steps:
a) Reduce the need for corruption by having an electoral system with a low barrier of entry for honest people, and a system that pays candidates a certain amount per valid vote cast; and
b) Reduce the opportunity for corruption by having policies that prevent governments from unnecessarily directing and interfering in citizens’ lives.
FTI’s recommended set of policies are aimed at systemic reform, not piecemeal patchwork band-aids. Corruption will reduce very significantly should such systemic reforms be undertaken.
Numerous countries have low levels of corruption without any Lokpal or similar body. Examples of policies that reduce corruption (without a Lokpal) include:
state funding of elections (e.g. Rs.15 per valid vote polled) to reduce the need to raise funds through corruption;
high salaries for politicians to motivate competent people to enter politics;
contractual appointments of senior bureaucrats (so they can be terminated if they fail to deliver integrity and high quality outcomes).
India should not vest excessive authority in unelected officials. Such authority can undermine democracy without necessarily improving governance. It is important to build systems that work, not systems that punish.
5. What will happen if we implement a Lokpal without eliminating the socialist policies?
a) Reality: A Lokpal can’t stop the generation of corruption
India’s socialist policies put excessive power and discretion in the hands of decision-makers. Each law that allows a politician or bureaucrat to interfere in economic activity creates an opportunity for corruption. The Lokpal does not change such policies, nor reform the electoral system to reduce the need for corrupt money during elections. Therefore, the Lokpal cannot prevent the continuous generation of corruption. It will be far more effective if we change socialist policies.
b) Reality: The Lokpal can’t catch even a fraction of the corrupt
A Lokpal will become viable and effective if only one per cent (or less) of India’s politicians and bureaucrats are corrupt. But when 99 percent of them are corrupt, then catching a few corrupt people here or there will hardly make a difference. The cancer must be addressed at the source.
c) Reality: Corruption “charges” will increase because of the Lokpal
Because the corrupt will now have to factor in the (presumably slightly) higher probability of being caught, the “rate” they demand for their “services” will increase.
d) Reality: Corruption will be driven even more underground
The Lokpal, under the current system, will merely drive corruption more underground – into more hidden methods. Greater outflows of corrupt money from India will occur to Switzerland or other tax havens. In this “game” of corruption, it is best to stop corruption in the first place, not to waste precious time and resources in chasing corrupt people across the world.
e) Reality: The big fish will escape
Under the current system, big fish can easily access various sophisticated methods of corruption. They can also hire expensive lawyers to exploit loopholes in the legal system to delay and subvert justice, should any case be launched against them. In general, the big fish will escape scrutiny (or punishment) and the Lokpal will be forced to focus on small fry.
f) Reality: Government inefficiency will increase
The Indian Constitution provides extraordinary protections to public servants. There is therefore virtually no way available for governments to punish public servants who do not perform their work properly. If their opportunities for corruption are reduced then public servants are likely to even further slow down their work, leading to total paralysis of governance. The Lokpal (if it becomes even slightly effective, and therefore reduces corruption) will end up putting a severe brake on India’s economic growth.
h) Reality: Lokpal could itself become corrupt
Corrupt politicians and government servants have plenty of money to bribe investigative agencies – and judges. Under the current dispensation there is very significant corruption both in the government and judiciary. It is not difficult to see a situation, particularly with lowly paid Lokpal employees, when the Lokpal officials start accepting bribes.
i) Reality: Lokpal can’t deliver results because of India’s court system
The Lokpal cannot deliver results because it does not control the courts. As Swami Aiyar has pointed out:
Even if the Lokpal controls the CBI, it will have no control over the courts. These seem incapable of convicting any resourceful person beyond appeals within his or her lifetime. Little will be achieved if the Lokpal initiates a thousand cases that then drag on for decades, with the accused out on bail.
FTI does not recommend scrapping the principles of natural justice for those charged with corruption. We need systemic reforms that include the policies outlined earlier, as well as a strong justice system to quickly and effectively punish the corrupt.
6. Other questions people have regarding the Lokpal
a) What are the mechanisms apart from Lokpal to stop corruption?
Alternative mechanisms to reducing corruption have been outlined above. These are far more effective and involve two key changes:
(i) Reduce the need for corruption: ensure electoral reforms that motivate good people to enter politics, and pay a certain amount per valid vote cast to candidates; and
(ii) Reduce the opportunity for corruption: remove socialist policies so that people can undertake economic activity without unnecessary government regulation.
Currently, no political party offers such systemic reforms in India. Without political leadership, however, such reforms cannot be implemented. FTI is a platform for those who understand such reforms to step forward and contest elections. Only then will such systemic reforms be introduced, bringing an end to corruption.
b) Why does FTI not support the Lokpal, given that Hong Kong has a Lokpal-like model?
Hong Kong is highly ranked on Transparency International rankings (currently No. 12, below countries like Australia and New Zealand which do not have any Lokpal).
Not very long ago, Hong Kong was a very corrupt country. Its reforms, do not include just an Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC, which started in 1974), but a wide range of policy initiatives such as good governance, world-best economic policy and high quality education. The existence of ICAC should not be seen in isolation from these broader reforms. Indonesia has tried to copy the Hong Kong model and has failed, because it has not adopted the free market economic model of Hong Kong.
“Indonesia’s corruption eradication commission, one message screams out —Indiadoes not need to makeIndonesia’s mistakes with the proposed Lokpal Bill. It has been nearly 10 years since the KPK was established by law inIndonesia. Ten years on, no surprises: Corruption has not been eradicated fromIndonesia. Far from eliminating corruption, KPK continues to be at the centre of political intrigue inIndonesia.”
A Lokpal cannot succeed in removing corruption without a host of far more basic reforms. FTI believes that there is a place for Lokpal in India’s governance, but not today. Only in due course, as part of an entire suite of governance and economic reforms.
c) Won’t a Lokpal help create new government jobs?
Indeed, the Lokpal will create new jobs but creating government cannot be a valid reason to have a Lokpal. Economic growth & prosperity is never created through government jobs. India needs policies of liberty that will create opportunities for millions to earn their livelihood.
d) Since the poor have to constantly interface with the state, won’t the Lokpal provide a check to corruption at lower level of bureaucracy?
Unless economic policies and the system of governance is changed, villagers in India will not be able to escape from chronic corruption (such as corrupt tahsildars and other land records staff). Villagers, being illiterate, do not have the capacity or resources to lodge (and pursue) complaints with the Lokpal.
Villagers have not been able to utilise existing institutions like state vigilance bodies and police because of inability or fea. The Lokpal’s rules and procedures will preclude the possibility of justice for villagers. The corrupt will go scot free even if complaints are lodged against them, due to the sheer numbers involved.
Far better to build systems that preclude corruption in the first place. Trying to fix the problem of corruption after it has established itself is a far more difficult (even impossible) task.
e) What is FTI’s view on the level of corruption that can a Lokpal can reduce?
The jury is out on this important question. However, for reasons given above, FTI believes that Lokpal will not reduce corruption, and will probably increase it and drive it underground.
f) How much will the Lokpal cost the taxpayer?
This will depend on the nature and design of the Lokpal. But it will not be cheap. Unfortunately, there will be almost no social gain from this institution. So taxpayers will spend money on the Lokpal, even as the corrupt officials and politicians ofIndia continue their loot.
Conclusion
All Indians all angry with our corrupt politicians and bureaucrats. However, we should use our head, not our emotions.
FTI agrees with and supports, in principle, IAC people’s movement against corruption. But FTI believes that (at this stage – i.e., without changing the policies of socialism, and ensuring that good people are able to contest elections) the Lokpal will make no difference to the lives of Indians, and could even make things worse in a number of ways.
FTI therefore asks the Indian people to seek solutions that will actually work.
The people of India have awakened due to the IAC movement. But it is important to understand that the solution does not lie in a Lokpal, but in a package of reforms that will essentially abolish socialism and make Indians free.
FTI invites you to support the team to provide India with modern, effective governance.
It is hard to remove the socialistic mindset of Indian politicians who think that voters want such policies. It is up to the educated class to show voters that demanding subsidies and handouts from politicians is not the right way to eliminate poverty. They voter must demand good governance, good education, not charity.
The poor will become prosperous through freedom. On this journey, a social minimum (which includes high quality private school education for all children and a guaranteed top-up to eliminate poverty) will support those who falter on this journey towards freedom, integrity, and prosperity.
In simple language, let’s drain the swamp so that mosquitoes don’t breed. It is not a sensible idea to kill the mosquitoes, one at a time.
Vidyut Jain of the Freedom Team of India has kindly coordinated and produced the first batch of FTI T-shirts, which are now on sale in India. The shirts are depicted below (click for larger image).
Only a few shirts are available in this first batch, so please place your orders soon! Orders will be filled based on the principle: "First Come First Served".
FRONT
BACK
SIZE: Currently available only in ONE size: Male, XL (extra-large).
COST: Shipping is FREE within India. Please note that these shirts are not delivered outside India.
Number of shirts
Total cost
1
Rs. 350
2
Rs. 650
3
Rs. 950
4
Rs. 1,250
5
Rs. 1,550
6
Rs. 1,850
7
Rs. 2,150
8
Rs. 2,450
9
Rs. 2,750
10
Rs. 3,050
For each shirt ordered, FTI will receive Rs.44. You can donate more to FTI through the method outlined here.
HOW TO PLACE YOUR ORDER:
Step 1: Please complete the preliminary order below.
Step 2: After you place the order, Vidyut will get in touch with you regarding details of payment.
Step 3: Send the payment to Vidyut according to the details your receive. Vidyut will dispatch the T-shirts only AFTER receiving your payment. Being the first FTI merchandise, we don't have an automated system for payments, yet. Please bear with us.
This is a draft letter that FTI members can use as a guide to write to their friends and to encourage them to join/support on FTI. Thanks to Narendra Sethia for drafting it.
Hi
A few days back, I came across an organization called Freedom Team of India (FTI). Out of curiosity, I explored their website, got to know about the team and found myself so involved that I am now compelled to write to you.
Ours is an amazing country! We are perennially suffering the abuse by the criminalized politics and bureaucracy in the name of democracy and equality. The lucky few, who manage to get the ‘VIP Pass’ to be an insider of this system, quickly learn the art of trampling upon the downtrodden and exploit them to the hilt. The capacity to manipulate becomes our biggest quality, not our talent or enterprise. For the most of the outsiders, it’s back to waiting for that elusive VIP Pass. For, we would do the same if we get a chance to get inside. Or we would not?
I believe I am different. I believe you are different. I believe most people in this amazing country are different – just waiting for the right leadership. We all would pay our taxes honestly, would never jump signal, would never pay bribe, would never break the queue, only if we were sure we were not being trampled by those VIP pass holders. And, that is a big if. We will continue getting trampled if we keep waiting for the right leaders to arrive. This is a bigger IF.
The amazing team at FTI has come with a blueprint to remove this big IF from India. Its core philosophy is ‘Freedom with accountability’. It is a platform to build leaders who will take a plunge into active politics. FTI proposes to put in place, the most advanced and foolproof governance system any country can have. It aims to make the laws most simplified and easily understandable followed by their strong and non-discriminatory enforcement and, supported by a fair and fast justice delivery system. Rationalized tax system, non-interference in any religious activity, a system with equal opportunity and responsibility alike, are some of the many highlights.
FTI aims for a political movement to spread the message of freedom and purify our political system by electing leaders with a clean background, unquestionable integrity. While our present party‐politics is hopeless, the Freedom Team of India offers hope. It is a platform to build leaders who will take a plunge into active politics and build the India we dream of.
I have joined Freedom Team of India. You can also support FTI in many ways:
Spread the word, Post it on your FB/Twitter or other networks
Forward this message to your friends with a suitable suggestion
If this mail comes to you as an annoyance, accept my apology and trash it. If you think I am on right direction, please do write back with your comments and suggestions.
India, so long as the Freedom Team of India exists there is still hope! The highly successful second annual conference of the Freedom Team of India
When we look at the distressing condition of India’s governance today, let us not forget that there is still some hope. FTI is the harbinger of this hope: a platform for all good leaders of India to come together. As many as 22 out of a little over 100 FTI members spent time and travelled at their own expense from all over India (and abroad) to come together in Delhi on the 19th and 20th of February 2011.
This conference was a great success as can be seen from the members’ comments after the conference:
Madhu said his main expectation was to meet members from other cities, and that the conference exceed his expectations. He was especially happy to meet people from smaller towns and hear about their experiences.
One of the things which Amit wanted to do was to meet other like minded individuals, and validate their many years of thinking about Samudai Bharati. He was happy with the conference.
Dr. N. P. Singh was inspired to find that there are others who are thinking and working on the same lines.
Akalpita Ji said that our frequencies had started harmonizing, and we will soon create resonance which will help expedite our cause spread the wave all around – Ab Manzil Door Nahin Hai!
Ritesh said that it was a big milestone that FTI held its second annual conference.
Vikash found that the conference was well moderated/organized and went on smoothly. He was happy to participate.
Piyush said that the conference exceeded his expectations
Anil said that the biggest plus for this conference was meeting of FTI with other groups.
Kamal said that many of us are on the edge, and meeting each other gives us confidence to carry on and jump in more.
Shantanu said that we should not underestimate of the big challenges which lie ahead. He asserted that we need to get more serious and more real and honest about our expectations, pace.
While the number of member of FTI so far seems to be quite small compared to what FTI has been aiming for, one thing is clear – that the quality of FTI members is really high. This was clear in the abundantly clear with the first conference (held in Mumbai in 2010), as well. There is no doubt that many current leaders are really insightful and charismatic.
Many members are taking active steps to enter full time into political activity and continuously think about executing their plans. There is no doubt that India’s future is finally becoming brighter, after six decades of rotten governance by socialists.
And now for some of the details of the conference.
Participants
FTI members: Akalpita Paranjpe, Amit Sethi , Anil Sharma, Bhrigu Dutta, Dipinder Sekhon, Ghanshyam Sharma, Kamal Sharma, L K Kandpal, Madhu Shankar, N P Singh, Nikhil Ojha, Piyush Gupta, Prahlad Pandey, Rahul Pandit, Rajesh Kumar, Ram Kumar Atri, Ritesh Shukla, Sanjay Mehrotra, Sanjay Seth, Shantanu Bhagwat, Somnath Bharti, and Swapnil Khandelwal.
In addition, on the second an interaction occurred between FTI members and representatives of various liberal political groups, something like a mini Hope Summit. These included: Jago Party (Mr Surya Prakash Loonker), Bharat Uday Mission (Akalpita Paranjpe and FTI member), Samudai Bharati (Piyush Gupta and FTI member), Loksatta (Alok Kumar Singh) and Indian Nationalist League (Abhishek Rao and Bhrigu Datt).
Unfortunately not many photographs were taken at the conference but two photos of 20 February should suffice to give a flavour of the participants and the venue (click for a larger image):
Review of last year’s activities
On 19 February, the conference began with a welcome and introductions. This was followed by a review of FTI’s activities over the last year. Members shared their experiences including rural outreach, as well as how the various chapters of FTI were operating. The Delhi chapter is the most developed at the moment and it was suggested that this could act as a model for others.
The idea of supporting FTI members to devote their time full-time to this endeavour was discussed but not pursued further, given the complexity of issues (particularly funding) involved. Regarding outreach events it was agreed that these are about networking, in addition to achieving the goal of finding new members. A slogan for outreach efforts in the future was suggested: e.g. Jiyo aur Jinay Do (Or, Live and Let Live).
FTI’s strategy
FTI’s strategy was reviewed and found to be still valid. The idea was still to bring together at least 500 leaders first (who could well be members of many of the newly formed parties), gain alignment through classical liberalism, and then decide a political plan.
It was agreed that there can be no definite timeframe for this task, which is conditional on the availability of sufficient high quality leaders. FTI members would continue to think about 2014, but agreed that 2019 was now looking more realistic. It was also agreed that members would consider details about a direct political action/strategy as and when we get closer to that stage.
Classical liberalism as a core philosophy
The need for liberal politics in India was reviewed, and discussion showed that there was broad unanimity on basic tenets among members, with details to be resolved during discussions on individual policies. The main thing we need is to avoid left leanings: things that have harmed India over the past six decades.One of the members rightly noted that while we need an ideal liberal outlook, we also need to be aware of ground realities.
Open discussion
The fourth session of the first day was an open unstructured discussion. The FTI strategy of gathering leaders first who could then lead grassroots work in a coordinated strategic manner was re-affirmed, but it was noted that a bottom-up outreach could help accelerate things. Indeed it was agreed that there is no fundamental conflict between these approaches, since each FTI member ultimately needs to build up his or own profile at the grassroots level. FTI’s plan of action hinges critically on the quality of leaders that join FTI: and that includes their capacity to relate to the grassroots.
Things which can help accelerate FTI’s goals were noted, including:
Better training of leaders, including via workshops
Better communication of FTI literature – simple to understand and in local languages.
Use of newspaper/media creatively, e.g. greater use of ‘today’s program’ section of the newspapers, in which events are generally free to include
More city chapters, with regular meetings (fixed time, venue)
Advancing the issues of local self-governance and accountability
It was agreed that in the near future we must all contribute to whatever efforts FTI leaders are taking on the ground, and help increase their visibility – and thus, also, attract more leaders. Those of us contesting in 2014 (on their own) can learn from the liberal party in South Africa which successfully followed the strategy of ‘one district at a time’. Ultimately, each one of us needs to build ourselves as mass leaders via grassroots work in our constituencies and generate local mass support. This includes developing our personal profiles and extensive outreach and travel in the constituencies.
It was agreed that FTI should continue as a Trust even after 500 leaders have assemble, who may choose one or more existing/new liberal political parties for direct political action.
How to further speed up FTI’s work?
The last session of the first day discussed how FTI’s efforts can be accelerated. Key suggestions included:
Online
Expand our presence online. FTI’s website needs to refresh its contents. It was felt that we have not fully utilized web technology. Improvements that can be made include: email response to forum discussions (this is technically very challenging), linking the website with mobile technology, getting greater freshness and interactivity on the website, and finally, a more active Twitter presence.
On the ground
Many more outreach programs have to be organized.
Media
Media advertisement could help find leaders. (Indeed – a few days later excellent outcomes were achieved from the FTI’s Chandigarh event which was covered in the Times of India. Hence this should be broadened to include general medial coverage.) As already noted, the ‘daily program’ (free column/section) of newspapers can be used to advertise FTI meetups and outreach events.
Action plan
The conference recommended that FTI set itself these goals:
First Priority Goal: Attract or find leaders
Second Priority Goal: Support those FTI members who will contest the 2014 elections. This can include gaining greater visibility by possibly fielding them against VIPs.
Other goals:
Mass Movementincluding identifying issues with mass base which can translate into votes The top three issues translatable into votes include: primary education (English medium, good quality, via vouchers), ambulance i.e. mobile health care (very important in rural areas), and removal of corruption in governance and criminalization of politics (rural and urban issue).
Make FTI visible and reach people across all sections of the society.
Support related movements, e.g. India Against Corruption movement.
Increase personal profiles. We need to build ourselves up as real mass leaders.
Communication: Prepare local language literature.
Individual members took responsibility to progress these and many other related actions, including the responsibility of organsing more outreach events.
Summary of interaction with other groups
On the second day extensive interactions occurred with other groups. These are summarised below.
Jago Party — Introduction by Mr Surya Prakash Loonker, followed by Q&A
a. Floated by non-political citizens (ie those who were not from within the black force)
b. Founder – Mr. Deepak Mittal, based in Hyderabad
c. National Party – contested Rajasthan state elections in 2007, and 17 lok sabha seats in 2009
d. Key issues: corruption, removing discrimination of all kinds (caste/religion/regional), privatization
e. Not related to Jago Re campaign
f. What do they want from FTI? – Contest from Jago
i. Jago does not provide funds to the candidates. They are expected to raise their own funds. Sometimes, matching funds are provided.
g. Want to bring together all good people. Have been having formal talks with BRSP, Loksatta etc.
h. No wins in the elections so far, though have ranked 3/4/5 in several elections
i. Mass outreach
Send 1 lakh SMS’s (every month)
Latest initiative: multi-lingual paper – one lakh copies, penetration to all sections of the society (articles invited by FTI members)
1500 members in Delhi. Hoping to get to 1 lakh members soon.
Shikayat Karo Bharat Badlo campaign
j. Criteria for selecting candidates
Must be contesting elections for the right reasons
Winnability
k. Tried having regular meet-ups, but people fizzled out after a few rounds. Outreach events around issues are more effective.
l. Regional to National scale-up is very difficult. Therefore National to start with.
Bharat Uday Mission — Dr Akalpita Paranjpe
Objective – Rise of a great nation
Start: December 2002, undergrads from IIT Kanpur. Later students from IIMs as well.
Large initial momentum – 2 yrs, 6000 members, 60 chapters across the country. Got difficult to control. Founders (Gopal Krishna) left.
In 2009, after a period of disintegration, Akalpita ji stepped up to bring things back on track. The party was registered in 2009, days before the general elections. Three candidates were fielded: From Mumbai, Patna and Delhi. But Delhi candidate had to withdraw later as her MNC company did not approve (she would have had to resign to contest).
Expectation from FTI: Bring together different like minded parties
Have had 6 National Conferences
No relationship with Lok Paritran (which was also founded by IITians)
Lessons: Decision making process is critical. Evolution of this process as people come and go is important.
Immediate focus: re-activate old members
Politicians should be ‘service minded’ – they have to serve people
Samudai Bharati — Piyush Gupta
Piyush showed a nice video introducing Samudai Bharati
Looking for lifelong engagement, via different levels of staging grounds.
Rs 2/day subscription, to be renewed annually. Also a means to check who continues to be engaged
Loksatta — Alok Kumar Singh
a. Political Party since 5 years, Lok Satta Andolan since 16 years
b. In the North, it is still in the form of an Andolan – to attract the right kind of people (selfless). A political party attracts all kinds of people.
c. Looking for 5000 leaders nationally.
d. Expectations from FTI: Platform to bring together like-minded groups
e. Selection of candidates:
No Criminal Background, or involvement in illegal activity (Mr T N Sheshan – Ombudsman)
Should have shown commitment to local issues, and spirit of social service
f. Mr. J. P. Narayan is not the President now. Mr. Verma took over as President when Mr. J. P. was elected as the MLA in 2009.
g. Expectations: More than 10 seats in A.P.
Indian Nationalist League — Mr Abhishek Rao, Mr Bhrigu Datt
Aim – One India, Nationalist Identity above all other identities
Creating a seamless polity – via dialogue
Clarification – Nation exists for people (not the other way round)
Have been in political life for last 7-8 years
Ultimate aim: happiness of all Indians
Also do social work through NGOs – education, health & sanitation (eg Open Drains). In Sangam Vihar Slum of Delhi (which spans 3 Lok Sabha constituencies).
Social work and political process cannot be divorced.
Indiais a ‘nation’ (already), but there is scope of improvement
Manali Shah (from FNF, Delhi)
a. offered to help all liberal political groups in training their members. This is one of FNF’s mandates. She is also interested in documenting new emerging political efforts in India and expressed desire to engage with all groups.
Concluding session
Akalpita Paranjpe summarized key points from the conference. It was agreed that this was beginning/continuation of a conversation, which is crucial in the process of aligning all members of FTI. Members reviewed the conference experience and found it to be extremely useful. Akalpita Ji ended the formal conference on a high by singing a beautiful inspirational song.
A different team India to rid what ails the country
Sanjay Sharma, TNN, Feb 23, 2011, 04.24am IST
CHANDIGARH: A campaign that was born in cyberspace from London to free India of its ills, is exploring possibilities of taking roots in northwest India comprising Punjab, Haryana, Himachal, Chandigarh and Jammu and Kashmir.
The brain behind the campaign, one of the most popular on the net, Shantanu Bhagwat, who quit his lucrative job of an Indian Foreign Service (IFS) officer, to plunge into politics, on Monday met a group of youngsters from the region here. He was accompanied by a former nuclear scientist Dr Akalpita Paranjape and a software technologist Dipinder Sekhon.
Around 150 such leaders have come together to form a Freedom Team of India (FTI) to act as a "forum for policy, strategy and leadership development to promote the freedoms of the great peoples of India."
Dr Paranjape who retired from Bhabha Atomic Research Centre and Bhagwat said the grouping hopes to offer its leadership to India along with the world's best policies to improve governance in India.
It is driven by a citizen leadership concept where there is no leader but a collection of bright people who shape policies and prepare citizenry. Adharshila, one of the activities, is focused on preparing citizenship. Adharshila is being designed and may be launched in a few months.
Bhagwat said, the forum's mission is, "An India where everyone is guaranteed equal opportunities and equal dignity and has freedom to pursue his or her own happiness under an accountable and participative government." He added, "We favour a change in the body of systems to bring about this situation."
Though during the interaction, they did not offer any specific policy framework, yet they indicated why there should be an electronic accounting system in which each deal is tracked and why tax collection and distribution is left to the lowest bodies of governance. Socialistic policies, according to them, have lost their relevance and a true capitalistic system, unlike the crony one India has, appears to be their guiding philosophy.
The concept of FTI was proposed in mid-2006 on the internet in the manuscript of a 2008 book, "Breaking Free from Nehru". Bhagwat spends a fortnight in London and India each to run the campaign.
In an open letter released to citizenship, the team has made it clear that it is a formation away from socialistic framework and wedded to liaises faire to unleash opportunities and freedoms for individuals to grow and the nation to benefit from their growth.
On 2 August 2010, FTI organised an event at IIT Delhi in collaboration with the IIT Delhi Alumni Association (draft event flyer – finally a slightly different one was used). Shantanu Bhagwat, FTI member, was the keynote speaker, joined by Somnath Bharti and Dipinder Sekhon, Ram Atri, and a number of other FTI members.
SLIDES
The slides from the event are available here(or in smaller window, below). View more presentations from Shantanu here.
The first conference of FTI was held in February 2010 in Mumbai. A detailed report on the conference, published in the March issue of the Towards a Great India magazine, is provided below (report prepared by Supratim Basu and condensed by Sanjeev Sabhlok).
L. J. Business and Training Centre, Dadar West, Mumbai
Who paid for the venue?
The local Mumbai team of FTI
Who paid for participants?
Individual FTI members paid for their travel and lodging
Photograph below: FTI members on the first day of the Conference, 20 February 2010
Left to right: Rahul Pandit, Ajay Anand, L.K.Kandpal, Siddharth Shankar, Ritesh Shukla, Supratim Basu, Anil Sharma, Akalpita Paranjpe, Ujjwal Bannerjee, Sanjeev Sabhlok, Dipinder Sekhon, Vishal Singh, Col. L. Anand, Shantanu Bhagwat, Kamal Sharma, Arun Shankar.
Not depicted (attended on the second and third days): Ashish Jauhari
Apology: Sandeep Shelke, Ram K. Atri, N.P. Singh. Many other members had wanted to attend but could not make it to this conference. We look forward to meeting them in future conferences.
In all, 21 members (out of well over 100) attended. Many members who attended previous conferences could not make it. Some members (like Sanjeev) attend only every alternate one due to the costs involved). While not ideal, the conference provided sufficient evidence, if any is needed, of the high quality of individuals who have joined FTI.
The position of the Freedom Team of India on the Jan Lokpal Bill
April 5th, 2012 byBack to the policy page of FTI.
FTI has agreed to the following draft position on the Lokpal Bill (all FTI documents are draft documents, subject to ongoing improvement).
1. What is the Freedom Team of India?
The Freedom Team of India (FTI) is a team of leaders who will, with due preparation, contest elections on a platform of world’s best policies to increase the liberty and prosperity of Indian citizens.
FTI’s ideas are based on the philosophy of classical liberalism (which is the polar opposite of socialism). Classical liberalism insists on equal liberty for all, while ensuring accountability. We encourage you to consider FTI’s policy principles at: http://freedomteam.in/blog/draft-policies.
FTI’s members maintain and are required to always maintain the highest standards of integrity in public life. Through its code of conduct and other processes FTI guarantees the quality and integrity of its members.India can confidently entrust its future to FTI members, who are always ready to be held to account. FTI membership is seal of quality in public life.
2. FTI stand on the Jan Lokpal institution
FTI applauds Anna Hazare, Baba Ramdev and Arvind Kejriwal, among others, for their fight against deeply entrenched political and bureaucratic corruption in India.
For such effort to be effective, however, careful understanding of the causes of corruption is necessary. For instance, a question is sometimes asked: Why doesn’t FTI make its own draft Jan Lokpal Bill and share it online?
That is because FTI does not believe that (under the current system of socialist governance) a Lokpal offers a genuine solution to India’s rampant corruption. Therefore FTI does not wish to offer a draft Bill that will not meet the objective.
Instead, FTI offers more: a package of reforms which is guaranteed to achieve integrity in public life and increase India’s opportunities for prosperity.
This will be explained below.
3. India’s many problems have a common source: socialism
Before a doctor can successfully treat a disease, he must diagnose it correctly. He must understand its cause.
Team Anna believes that corruption arises because too many Indians are bad. If this is right, then the solution should be to punish bad Indians. FTI accepts that there are a large number of corrupt Indians who must be punished through an effective system of rule of law. FTI’s diagnosis, however, is focused on underlying causes, and therefore, in building a lasting solution.
FTI believes that corruption arises from poorly designed governance systems, based on the philosophy of socialism. FTI believes that no Indian is born corrupt but badly designed systems motivate them to become corrupt. The same Indians who are corrupt and incompetent in India often do wonderfully well (and honestly) in the West. A bad system can make a genius look like an idiot. On the other hand, through a good system, even “ordinary” people can perform great deeds.
Since the past six decades, all public policy in India is based on the socialist model, which empowers governments to directly operate businesses as well as to interfere with the free interactions of citizens. This creates strong incentives for politicians to sell favours (rent seeking) and thus become corrupt.
Socialist hypocrisy also permeates India’s electoral system, in which everyone knows that political parties spend tens of crores of rupees in each parliamentary election, but all candidates declare falsely that they spend less than Rs.25 lakhs.
In brief, it is the philosophy of socialism leads to hypocrisy, dishonesty, and corruption. Without removing this dreaded philosophy fromIndia, corruption can never be removed. Witch-hunts to identify “corrupt” individuals won’t solve the problem of corruption.
4. FTI’s solution to the problem of corruption
Under today’s socialistic dispensation, no political party can survive without corruption. Politicians need huge sums of money for elections which they have to raise through corrupt means. They also need the support of corrupt officials.
While an effective Lokpal can reduce corruption, this can only happen when systemic corruption has been first addressed. Systemic reform essentially involves two key steps:
a) Reduce the need for corruption by having an electoral system with a low barrier of entry for honest people, and a system that pays candidates a certain amount per valid vote cast; and
b) Reduce the opportunity for corruption by having policies that prevent governments from unnecessarily directing and interfering in citizens’ lives.
FTI’s recommended set of policies are aimed at systemic reform, not piecemeal patchwork band-aids. Corruption will reduce very significantly should such systemic reforms be undertaken.
Numerous countries have low levels of corruption without any Lokpal or similar body. Examples of policies that reduce corruption (without a Lokpal) include:
India should not vest excessive authority in unelected officials. Such authority can undermine democracy without necessarily improving governance. It is important to build systems that work, not systems that punish.
5. What will happen if we implement a Lokpal without eliminating the socialist policies?
a) Reality: A Lokpal can’t stop the generation of corruption
India’s socialist policies put excessive power and discretion in the hands of decision-makers. Each law that allows a politician or bureaucrat to interfere in economic activity creates an opportunity for corruption. The Lokpal does not change such policies, nor reform the electoral system to reduce the need for corrupt money during elections. Therefore, the Lokpal cannot prevent the continuous generation of corruption. It will be far more effective if we change socialist policies.
b) Reality: The Lokpal can’t catch even a fraction of the corrupt
A Lokpal will become viable and effective if only one per cent (or less) of India’s politicians and bureaucrats are corrupt. But when 99 percent of them are corrupt, then catching a few corrupt people here or there will hardly make a difference. The cancer must be addressed at the source.
c) Reality: Corruption “charges” will increase because of the Lokpal
Because the corrupt will now have to factor in the (presumably slightly) higher probability of being caught, the “rate” they demand for their “services” will increase.
d) Reality: Corruption will be driven even more underground
The Lokpal, under the current system, will merely drive corruption more underground – into more hidden methods. Greater outflows of corrupt money from India will occur to Switzerland or other tax havens. In this “game” of corruption, it is best to stop corruption in the first place, not to waste precious time and resources in chasing corrupt people across the world.
e) Reality: The big fish will escape
Under the current system, big fish can easily access various sophisticated methods of corruption. They can also hire expensive lawyers to exploit loopholes in the legal system to delay and subvert justice, should any case be launched against them. In general, the big fish will escape scrutiny (or punishment) and the Lokpal will be forced to focus on small fry.
f) Reality: Government inefficiency will increase
The Indian Constitution provides extraordinary protections to public servants. There is therefore virtually no way available for governments to punish public servants who do not perform their work properly. If their opportunities for corruption are reduced then public servants are likely to even further slow down their work, leading to total paralysis of governance. The Lokpal (if it becomes even slightly effective, and therefore reduces corruption) will end up putting a severe brake on India’s economic growth.
h) Reality: Lokpal could itself become corrupt
Corrupt politicians and government servants have plenty of money to bribe investigative agencies – and judges. Under the current dispensation there is very significant corruption both in the government and judiciary. It is not difficult to see a situation, particularly with lowly paid Lokpal employees, when the Lokpal officials start accepting bribes.
i) Reality: Lokpal can’t deliver results because of India’s court system
The Lokpal cannot deliver results because it does not control the courts. As Swami Aiyar has pointed out:
Even if the Lokpal controls the CBI, it will have no control over the courts. These seem incapable of convicting any resourceful person beyond appeals within his or her lifetime. Little will be achieved if the Lokpal initiates a thousand cases that then drag on for decades, with the accused out on bail.
FTI does not recommend scrapping the principles of natural justice for those charged with corruption. We need systemic reforms that include the policies outlined earlier, as well as a strong justice system to quickly and effectively punish the corrupt.
6. Other questions people have regarding the Lokpal
a) What are the mechanisms apart from Lokpal to stop corruption?
Alternative mechanisms to reducing corruption have been outlined above. These are far more effective and involve two key changes:
(i) Reduce the need for corruption: ensure electoral reforms that motivate good people to enter politics, and pay a certain amount per valid vote cast to candidates; and
(ii) Reduce the opportunity for corruption: remove socialist policies so that people can undertake economic activity without unnecessary government regulation.
Currently, no political party offers such systemic reforms in India. Without political leadership, however, such reforms cannot be implemented. FTI is a platform for those who understand such reforms to step forward and contest elections. Only then will such systemic reforms be introduced, bringing an end to corruption.
b) Why does FTI not support the Lokpal, given that Hong Kong has a Lokpal-like model?
Hong Kong is highly ranked on Transparency International rankings (currently No. 12, below countries like Australia and New Zealand which do not have any Lokpal).
Not very long ago, Hong Kong was a very corrupt country. Its reforms, do not include just an Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC, which started in 1974), but a wide range of policy initiatives such as good governance, world-best economic policy and high quality education. The existence of ICAC should not be seen in isolation from these broader reforms. Indonesia has tried to copy the Hong Kong model and has failed, because it has not adopted the free market economic model of Hong Kong.
As Offstumped has pointed out:
“Indonesia’s corruption eradication commission, one message screams out —Indiadoes not need to makeIndonesia’s mistakes with the proposed Lokpal Bill. It has been nearly 10 years since the KPK was established by law inIndonesia. Ten years on, no surprises: Corruption has not been eradicated fromIndonesia. Far from eliminating corruption, KPK continues to be at the centre of political intrigue inIndonesia.”
A Lokpal cannot succeed in removing corruption without a host of far more basic reforms. FTI believes that there is a place for Lokpal in India’s governance, but not today. Only in due course, as part of an entire suite of governance and economic reforms.
c) Won’t a Lokpal help create new government jobs?
Indeed, the Lokpal will create new jobs but creating government cannot be a valid reason to have a Lokpal. Economic growth & prosperity is never created through government jobs. India needs policies of liberty that will create opportunities for millions to earn their livelihood.
d) Since the poor have to constantly interface with the state, won’t the Lokpal provide a check to corruption at lower level of bureaucracy?
Unless economic policies and the system of governance is changed, villagers in India will not be able to escape from chronic corruption (such as corrupt tahsildars and other land records staff). Villagers, being illiterate, do not have the capacity or resources to lodge (and pursue) complaints with the Lokpal.
Villagers have not been able to utilise existing institutions like state vigilance bodies and police because of inability or fea. The Lokpal’s rules and procedures will preclude the possibility of justice for villagers. The corrupt will go scot free even if complaints are lodged against them, due to the sheer numbers involved.
Far better to build systems that preclude corruption in the first place. Trying to fix the problem of corruption after it has established itself is a far more difficult (even impossible) task.
e) What is FTI’s view on the level of corruption that can a Lokpal can reduce?
The jury is out on this important question. However, for reasons given above, FTI believes that Lokpal will not reduce corruption, and will probably increase it and drive it underground.
f) How much will the Lokpal cost the taxpayer?
This will depend on the nature and design of the Lokpal. But it will not be cheap. Unfortunately, there will be almost no social gain from this institution. So taxpayers will spend money on the Lokpal, even as the corrupt officials and politicians ofIndia continue their loot.
Conclusion
All Indians all angry with our corrupt politicians and bureaucrats. However, we should use our head, not our emotions.
FTI agrees with and supports, in principle, IAC people’s movement against corruption. But FTI believes that (at this stage – i.e., without changing the policies of socialism, and ensuring that good people are able to contest elections) the Lokpal will make no difference to the lives of Indians, and could even make things worse in a number of ways.
FTI therefore asks the Indian people to seek solutions that will actually work.
The people of India have awakened due to the IAC movement. But it is important to understand that the solution does not lie in a Lokpal, but in a package of reforms that will essentially abolish socialism and make Indians free.
FTI invites you to support the team to provide India with modern, effective governance.
It is hard to remove the socialistic mindset of Indian politicians who think that voters want such policies. It is up to the educated class to show voters that demanding subsidies and handouts from politicians is not the right way to eliminate poverty. They voter must demand good governance, good education, not charity.
The poor will become prosperous through freedom. On this journey, a social minimum (which includes high quality private school education for all children and a guaranteed top-up to eliminate poverty) will support those who falter on this journey towards freedom, integrity, and prosperity.
In simple language, let’s drain the swamp so that mosquitoes don’t breed. It is not a sensible idea to kill the mosquitoes, one at a time.
Back to the policy page of FTI.
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