FTI’s third annual conference was held on 18 and 19 February 2012 in Mumbai.
Participants:
Participated on both days (17 members): Supratim Basu, Vishal Singh, Piyush Bansal, Sameer Panje, LK Kandpal, Akalpita Paranjpe, AR Patil, Venkat (Barry) Bharathan, KK Verma, Arvind Ilamaran, Stalin Anbalagan, Vijay Mohan, Arun Shankar, Sanjeev Sabhlok, Anubhava Srivastava, Anubhav Lal, Dipinder Sekhon.
1 ½ days (1 member): Rahul Pandit
1 day (2 members): Kamal Kishore Sharma and Sandeep Shelke
½ day (1 member): Shantanu Bhagwat
In all, 21 members (out of well over 100) attended. Many members who attended previous conferences could not make it. Some members (like Sanjeev) attend only every alternate one due to the costs involved). While not ideal, the conference provided sufficient evidence, if any is needed, of the high quality of individuals who have joined FTI.
Participants who remained at about 5 pm on the second day (Sunday) are depicted in the photo below.
(Click for larger image)
This blog post summarises the discussions and focuses on key agreements:
FTI’s roles and responsibilities
A concern was raised by that absence of clear roles could be a root cause of a perception among some people that “no action was happening in FTI”. While FTI has some clear (e.g. Secretary, Treasurer, FTI managers group, etc.) there was need to get greater focus.
It was noted that FTI had successfully completed a large number of projects so far. Some of these include, with key project leaders indicated in parentheses:
a) The website and logo (Anil/ Anubhava)
b) Registration of FTI (LK Kandpal/ Ajay Anand)
c) Letters to independents (Ajay)
d) IT system including Forum (Anubhava)
e) Rules of FTI (Supratim/Kamal)
f) Brochure (Supratim)
g) Outreach events (numerous) – e.g. Shantanu (across India), Anil (Allahabad), Sanjeev (Delhi, Guwahati), Sanjay Mehrotra (Bangalore) (supported by LKK, Dipinder, Suneeta, etc.)
h) Magazine – Sanjeev
i) Management of new applicants: FTI Managers (Anupam, Ajay)
j) Organisation of annual conferences: Mumbai and Delhi chapters
k) etc. etc.
FTI doesn't have money or command structure to motivate action. It also doesn’t want a command structure. What is needed is a set of well-defined causes/projects that will motivate members and get greater participation.
Decision:
It was decided to streamline FTI’s roles to get results and increase momentum. It was agreed that all causes/ projects should have volunteer coordinator as team leader/coordinator/project manager. Members who volunteered for such roles would then provide their proposals to the FTI Forum, outlining what they will do and the support they need.
Potential roles:
Various roles were identified. Participants also offered to undertake specific roles. The following is an illustrative list. The names allocated against these area have been removed from the published list:
- Web-cordinator
- College outreach coordinator
- Marketing coordinator
- Policy coordinator/s
- Sharing across local chapters coordinator
- Reaching out to renowned personalities
- Media and PR coordinator
- Networking with groups, associations, occupations, small business
- Events coordinator:
- School outreach coordinator
- Branding FTI
- Web community creation
- Collecting membership fee
- Membership Process
- Blogging
- Writing in the media
- Membership drive
- Funding needs assessment
- Simplification of policy documents
- Standard operating procedure (SOP) coordinator
- Induction coordinator
- Social network coordinator
- Facebook coordinator
- Twittter coordinator
- Electronic media coordinator
- Freedom Partner group coordinator
- Communication coordinator
- Internal communications coordinator
- Content generation for website
- Internal newsletter (summary of forum and google group info)
- Ground work coordinator (e.g. leveraging issues)
- etc.
Flexibility on policy
Should FTI seek tight coherence on policy positions or whether we members should be allowed some latitude on policies?
It was agreed that some flexibility, within a tight boundary of liberty, was acceptable, along with an opportunity for debate and discussion.
New members should be encouraged to test their understanding. Older members must have some patience with these discussions, and help new members to reach coherence. Policy discussions are the best way for new members to actually learn liberty and capitalism.
However, we are not in the business of changing the mindsets of dedicated socialists or communists – so, our joining conditions would continue to insist on adherence to classical liberalism. Fundamentals/ basics of classical liberalism can not be compromised.
Leadership process
A question was raised about FTI’s leadership process. Why would anyone contribute to FTI’s growth if they did not know whether their work would be recognised when decisions are taken by FTI to nominate people for constituencies. And what would happen, for instance, if 10 FTI members wanted to contest from the Gurgaon constituency, how would this conflict be resolved?
While there is no precise model on FTI for such leadership, it is clearly understood that the team, through its own deliberations, will arrive at processes for such matters at the appropriate time. It is expected that the contributions made by team members would be pivotal in a particular member’s prospects in a particular situation.
It was agreed that FTI must respect the contributions of members of the team and acknowledge these contributions. There must be a culture of giving credit to members who lead (and deliver) various projects. (FTI is working on a document to publish successful projects undertaken by FTI members so far)
It was also agreed that all roles (except those which are legally required, e.g. Secretary and Treasurer) should be called Acting roles. Also, all members should take the role of Acting Coordinators for a particular constituency. Where there are more than one FTI members, these members could work out a process within themselves. Having an acting role implies flexibility. All such roles can be replaced by anyone else through a competitive process (e.g. election).
Information gap
There is activity taking place on the ground (Akalpita/ AR Patil) about which most team members are not aware. A coordination mechanism was proposed to ensure that such activities are widely known within FTI.
Experience of Mumbai 227
Akalpita Paranjpe (supported by Arun Shankar) explained the process of arriving at a decision to contest MCD elections, the process followed (including how candidates were shortlisted), the results, and the lessons learnt
Key lessons learnt
- The application process for candidates must be simple.
- The entire details of the application process must be stated in advance
- The problem of reserved seats needs considerable thought
- It is very difficult to bring small, new parties together to form a bigger whole (party). It is better to get the same people on a common platform (i.e. coalition)
- Due to logistics issues within cities (traffic, lack of venues, etc.) it is necessary to build an effective conference call system for coordination and communication with all team members.
- The key messages did not percolate through to the voters due to multiple issues
Political positioning
The team first identified a key position in the political space that FTI members should aim to occupy. Examples of existing political spaces include:
- US Republicans: opposition to abortion, limited government, national interest.
- BJP: Hindtuva, supports business
- Shiv Sena and other regional groups: son of the soil (Marathi manus)
- Congress: aam aadmi/ mai-baap sarkar (sarkar will do everything)
- BSP: Dalit identity
- Communists: worker’s rights/ equality
The discussion identified the following potential spaces for FTI:
Economic/political
- Limited government (e.g. limited taxation/ simplified taxation)
- National interest (defence/ global status or presence/ foreign policy)
- Freedom of speech
- Sound money
- Education and infrastructure (e.g. internet to reach the poor, roads)
- Enabling Indians
- Better prices for produce
- Indian common market
- Public security/ security of person/ people security
- Health – approachable, affordable
- Property rights
- Justice
- Ethical prosperity
- Urban governance
- Root cause of corruption – what is FTI doing about corruption?
- Decentralalisation
- Rewrite the Constitution
- Water/ mineral rights
- Agenda 365 (we should have one item for each of the first 365 days)
Social
- Zero reservations
- Anti-regionalism
- Anti-Caste
- Anti-continuing perception that India will remain poor
As a result of extensive discussion/ voting, the overarching space was prosperity, supported by limited government, security and justice.
Potential causes/ issues/ protests
The team then discussed potential causes that would help FTI occupy these political positions in the public mind.
Before identifying the specific cause/ issues, the framework for causes/ protests/ issues was identified. It was agreed that no cause that FTI promotes should go outside the following bounds:
a) A cause which FTI leads should unite people from various groups. FTI should also join/ support other like-minded positions
b) A token Gandhian protest is acceptable where FTI believes that a particular law in India is incompatible with the principles outlined in the triangle, above. (This means public opposition to the law and explaining why it is harmful.)
c) The cause/protest should be undertaken within FTI's capacity (resources).
Many ideas were identified but after discussion the following options remained on the table:
Potential causes
PILs that oppose existing policies
- PIL to reduce tenure of elected assemblies from 5 to 3 years
- PIL on freedom of speech
- PIL to open bank with note issue rights (issuing currency)
- PIL to remove discretionary powers of Ministers to allocate national resources
Causes that oppose existing policies
- Flag hoisting in Kashmir
- Return freebies to government (i.e. directly return a subsidy to government)
- Opposing foreign aid (e.g. picketing South Block, not the donor nation’s embassy)
- (The challenge of) building a Road to Freedom
- Reforming media
- Depoliticise local government
- Allowing private news radio channels
- Autorickshaw licensing
- Street hawkers' problems (hafta, etc.)
- Land acquisition act
- Privatisation of public transport
- (The challenge of) establishing a school
- Marketplace for resources
- Film industry liberalisation
- Electoral reforms and corruption (e.g. issue re: tampering with electoral machine)
- Promoting entrepreneurship
- Administrative reforms
- Fair trade
- Abolish deficit financing (balanced budget)
- Abolish labour laws/ APMC (?)
- Reduce tax benefits to NGOs
Actions that increase awareness
- Colleges – debating society
- Conducting street plays
- Platform of like-minded people
Final list
After extensive debate and voting, the following issues were selected:
1) Build Road to Freedom
2) Liberalisation of private transport
3) Flag hoisting in Kashmir
4) Electoral reforms
5) Return freebies
Each of the members/s who proposed these causes would propose next steps.
The Delhi FTI chapter experience
Dipinder explained how the Delhi chapter has grown, and outlined the various actions it has undertaken. These include:
- Getting buy-in/commitment from one or two other members to help build the chapter together (for single member chapters, it may be useful to work with one or more freedom partners initially)
- Regular meetings (every month) with fixed time (2nd Saturday afternoons) and fixed place, and discipline to come to these meetings (even if there is just one other person joining). More frequent (weekly or fortnightly) sub-chapter meetings (eg. Gurgaon).
- Agenda in these meetings included a mix of: local political/policy issues, FTI local activities/events, more clarity about FTI structure/plans (eg. platform vs party), discussions around issues being discussed on the national forum, participation in national initiatives (eg. letters to independents activity) ,meeting with potential new members or partners (typically towards the end of the meetings) etc.
- Phone chats/SMS reminders, in addition to emails via fti-delhi google group
- Other meets/events around visits of outside-delhi members eg. Sanjeev, Shantanu etc.
- Outreach events including at IIT Delhi, Chandigarh, 2nd Annual Conference (which included discussions with other ‘new ethical’ political outfits) etc
From one active member in August 2009 (and six other relatively inactive members), Delhi now has 13 active members and 12 relatively inactive members.
Membership process review
FTI agreed to launch a review of the membership process on FTI that would include capturing (and maintaining) phone, location information of all members (old and new), so they could be effectively connected with local chapters.
Training in leadership and political action
It was decided that training in actual political action on the ground would be coordinated by Akalpita, and JP of Lok Satta would be invited as appropriate.
Other matters
Other matters discussed included FTI’s monthly conference, review of this conference and suggestions to improve the next conference, and T-shirt sales.
Summation
Sanjeev summed up the conference and noted that this had been an extremely successful conference. We are going out with renewed confidence and focus. In particular, actions arising from this conference should be implemented and followed up.
He compared the task with that of climbing Mt. Everest. There are three stages to climbing the mountain: drawing board stage, base camp, and then the climb. We are currently at the initial stage and are preparing for the base camp when all resources, plans and actions would be ready. This includes forming a significant understanding of the political marketplace and doing appropriate work to build demand.
Our job is NOT merely to find leaders and do nothing. We are working on many fronts:
- finding the best talent in India (and converting others)
- training them in leadership (including public speaking/ local language communication)
- branding these leaders as HIGH QUALITY
- occupying specific political spaces in the public mind through strategic actions
- designing and testing the messages through intensive interaction with the people of Bharat
- preparing detailed polices so we have policy alignment as a group of leaders
- preparing all logistical (and internal communication) systems
- fund raising
- practice (dry run) of elections and electoral laws
- building a massive support base of leaders in each constituency
etc etc.
All this MUST come together first. Then the people of India will automatically welcome FTI leaders with open arms. Till the people of India want FTI leaders we know we have not done our homework properly. Homework has to be comprehensive, covering all bases.
Vote of thanks
Participants gave a round of applause to the Mumbai team for organising the wonderful conference.
The position of the Freedom Team of India on the Jan Lokpal Bill
April 5th, 2012 byBack to the policy page of FTI.
FTI has agreed to the following draft position on the Lokpal Bill (all FTI documents are draft documents, subject to ongoing improvement).
1. What is the Freedom Team of India?
The Freedom Team of India (FTI) is a team of leaders who will, with due preparation, contest elections on a platform of world’s best policies to increase the liberty and prosperity of Indian citizens.
FTI’s ideas are based on the philosophy of classical liberalism (which is the polar opposite of socialism). Classical liberalism insists on equal liberty for all, while ensuring accountability. We encourage you to consider FTI’s policy principles at: http://freedomteam.in/blog/draft-policies.
FTI’s members maintain and are required to always maintain the highest standards of integrity in public life. Through its code of conduct and other processes FTI guarantees the quality and integrity of its members.India can confidently entrust its future to FTI members, who are always ready to be held to account. FTI membership is seal of quality in public life.
2. FTI stand on the Jan Lokpal institution
FTI applauds Anna Hazare, Baba Ramdev and Arvind Kejriwal, among others, for their fight against deeply entrenched political and bureaucratic corruption in India.
For such effort to be effective, however, careful understanding of the causes of corruption is necessary. For instance, a question is sometimes asked: Why doesn’t FTI make its own draft Jan Lokpal Bill and share it online?
That is because FTI does not believe that (under the current system of socialist governance) a Lokpal offers a genuine solution to India’s rampant corruption. Therefore FTI does not wish to offer a draft Bill that will not meet the objective.
Instead, FTI offers more: a package of reforms which is guaranteed to achieve integrity in public life and increase India’s opportunities for prosperity.
This will be explained below.
3. India’s many problems have a common source: socialism
Before a doctor can successfully treat a disease, he must diagnose it correctly. He must understand its cause.
Team Anna believes that corruption arises because too many Indians are bad. If this is right, then the solution should be to punish bad Indians. FTI accepts that there are a large number of corrupt Indians who must be punished through an effective system of rule of law. FTI’s diagnosis, however, is focused on underlying causes, and therefore, in building a lasting solution.
FTI believes that corruption arises from poorly designed governance systems, based on the philosophy of socialism. FTI believes that no Indian is born corrupt but badly designed systems motivate them to become corrupt. The same Indians who are corrupt and incompetent in India often do wonderfully well (and honestly) in the West. A bad system can make a genius look like an idiot. On the other hand, through a good system, even “ordinary” people can perform great deeds.
Since the past six decades, all public policy in India is based on the socialist model, which empowers governments to directly operate businesses as well as to interfere with the free interactions of citizens. This creates strong incentives for politicians to sell favours (rent seeking) and thus become corrupt.
Socialist hypocrisy also permeates India’s electoral system, in which everyone knows that political parties spend tens of crores of rupees in each parliamentary election, but all candidates declare falsely that they spend less than Rs.25 lakhs.
In brief, it is the philosophy of socialism leads to hypocrisy, dishonesty, and corruption. Without removing this dreaded philosophy fromIndia, corruption can never be removed. Witch-hunts to identify “corrupt” individuals won’t solve the problem of corruption.
4. FTI’s solution to the problem of corruption
Under today’s socialistic dispensation, no political party can survive without corruption. Politicians need huge sums of money for elections which they have to raise through corrupt means. They also need the support of corrupt officials.
While an effective Lokpal can reduce corruption, this can only happen when systemic corruption has been first addressed. Systemic reform essentially involves two key steps:
a) Reduce the need for corruption by having an electoral system with a low barrier of entry for honest people, and a system that pays candidates a certain amount per valid vote cast; and
b) Reduce the opportunity for corruption by having policies that prevent governments from unnecessarily directing and interfering in citizens’ lives.
FTI’s recommended set of policies are aimed at systemic reform, not piecemeal patchwork band-aids. Corruption will reduce very significantly should such systemic reforms be undertaken.
Numerous countries have low levels of corruption without any Lokpal or similar body. Examples of policies that reduce corruption (without a Lokpal) include:
India should not vest excessive authority in unelected officials. Such authority can undermine democracy without necessarily improving governance. It is important to build systems that work, not systems that punish.
5. What will happen if we implement a Lokpal without eliminating the socialist policies?
a) Reality: A Lokpal can’t stop the generation of corruption
India’s socialist policies put excessive power and discretion in the hands of decision-makers. Each law that allows a politician or bureaucrat to interfere in economic activity creates an opportunity for corruption. The Lokpal does not change such policies, nor reform the electoral system to reduce the need for corrupt money during elections. Therefore, the Lokpal cannot prevent the continuous generation of corruption. It will be far more effective if we change socialist policies.
b) Reality: The Lokpal can’t catch even a fraction of the corrupt
A Lokpal will become viable and effective if only one per cent (or less) of India’s politicians and bureaucrats are corrupt. But when 99 percent of them are corrupt, then catching a few corrupt people here or there will hardly make a difference. The cancer must be addressed at the source.
c) Reality: Corruption “charges” will increase because of the Lokpal
Because the corrupt will now have to factor in the (presumably slightly) higher probability of being caught, the “rate” they demand for their “services” will increase.
d) Reality: Corruption will be driven even more underground
The Lokpal, under the current system, will merely drive corruption more underground – into more hidden methods. Greater outflows of corrupt money from India will occur to Switzerland or other tax havens. In this “game” of corruption, it is best to stop corruption in the first place, not to waste precious time and resources in chasing corrupt people across the world.
e) Reality: The big fish will escape
Under the current system, big fish can easily access various sophisticated methods of corruption. They can also hire expensive lawyers to exploit loopholes in the legal system to delay and subvert justice, should any case be launched against them. In general, the big fish will escape scrutiny (or punishment) and the Lokpal will be forced to focus on small fry.
f) Reality: Government inefficiency will increase
The Indian Constitution provides extraordinary protections to public servants. There is therefore virtually no way available for governments to punish public servants who do not perform their work properly. If their opportunities for corruption are reduced then public servants are likely to even further slow down their work, leading to total paralysis of governance. The Lokpal (if it becomes even slightly effective, and therefore reduces corruption) will end up putting a severe brake on India’s economic growth.
h) Reality: Lokpal could itself become corrupt
Corrupt politicians and government servants have plenty of money to bribe investigative agencies – and judges. Under the current dispensation there is very significant corruption both in the government and judiciary. It is not difficult to see a situation, particularly with lowly paid Lokpal employees, when the Lokpal officials start accepting bribes.
i) Reality: Lokpal can’t deliver results because of India’s court system
The Lokpal cannot deliver results because it does not control the courts. As Swami Aiyar has pointed out:
Even if the Lokpal controls the CBI, it will have no control over the courts. These seem incapable of convicting any resourceful person beyond appeals within his or her lifetime. Little will be achieved if the Lokpal initiates a thousand cases that then drag on for decades, with the accused out on bail.
FTI does not recommend scrapping the principles of natural justice for those charged with corruption. We need systemic reforms that include the policies outlined earlier, as well as a strong justice system to quickly and effectively punish the corrupt.
6. Other questions people have regarding the Lokpal
a) What are the mechanisms apart from Lokpal to stop corruption?
Alternative mechanisms to reducing corruption have been outlined above. These are far more effective and involve two key changes:
(i) Reduce the need for corruption: ensure electoral reforms that motivate good people to enter politics, and pay a certain amount per valid vote cast to candidates; and
(ii) Reduce the opportunity for corruption: remove socialist policies so that people can undertake economic activity without unnecessary government regulation.
Currently, no political party offers such systemic reforms in India. Without political leadership, however, such reforms cannot be implemented. FTI is a platform for those who understand such reforms to step forward and contest elections. Only then will such systemic reforms be introduced, bringing an end to corruption.
b) Why does FTI not support the Lokpal, given that Hong Kong has a Lokpal-like model?
Hong Kong is highly ranked on Transparency International rankings (currently No. 12, below countries like Australia and New Zealand which do not have any Lokpal).
Not very long ago, Hong Kong was a very corrupt country. Its reforms, do not include just an Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC, which started in 1974), but a wide range of policy initiatives such as good governance, world-best economic policy and high quality education. The existence of ICAC should not be seen in isolation from these broader reforms. Indonesia has tried to copy the Hong Kong model and has failed, because it has not adopted the free market economic model of Hong Kong.
As Offstumped has pointed out:
“Indonesia’s corruption eradication commission, one message screams out —Indiadoes not need to makeIndonesia’s mistakes with the proposed Lokpal Bill. It has been nearly 10 years since the KPK was established by law inIndonesia. Ten years on, no surprises: Corruption has not been eradicated fromIndonesia. Far from eliminating corruption, KPK continues to be at the centre of political intrigue inIndonesia.”
A Lokpal cannot succeed in removing corruption without a host of far more basic reforms. FTI believes that there is a place for Lokpal in India’s governance, but not today. Only in due course, as part of an entire suite of governance and economic reforms.
c) Won’t a Lokpal help create new government jobs?
Indeed, the Lokpal will create new jobs but creating government cannot be a valid reason to have a Lokpal. Economic growth & prosperity is never created through government jobs. India needs policies of liberty that will create opportunities for millions to earn their livelihood.
d) Since the poor have to constantly interface with the state, won’t the Lokpal provide a check to corruption at lower level of bureaucracy?
Unless economic policies and the system of governance is changed, villagers in India will not be able to escape from chronic corruption (such as corrupt tahsildars and other land records staff). Villagers, being illiterate, do not have the capacity or resources to lodge (and pursue) complaints with the Lokpal.
Villagers have not been able to utilise existing institutions like state vigilance bodies and police because of inability or fea. The Lokpal’s rules and procedures will preclude the possibility of justice for villagers. The corrupt will go scot free even if complaints are lodged against them, due to the sheer numbers involved.
Far better to build systems that preclude corruption in the first place. Trying to fix the problem of corruption after it has established itself is a far more difficult (even impossible) task.
e) What is FTI’s view on the level of corruption that can a Lokpal can reduce?
The jury is out on this important question. However, for reasons given above, FTI believes that Lokpal will not reduce corruption, and will probably increase it and drive it underground.
f) How much will the Lokpal cost the taxpayer?
This will depend on the nature and design of the Lokpal. But it will not be cheap. Unfortunately, there will be almost no social gain from this institution. So taxpayers will spend money on the Lokpal, even as the corrupt officials and politicians ofIndia continue their loot.
Conclusion
All Indians all angry with our corrupt politicians and bureaucrats. However, we should use our head, not our emotions.
FTI agrees with and supports, in principle, IAC people’s movement against corruption. But FTI believes that (at this stage – i.e., without changing the policies of socialism, and ensuring that good people are able to contest elections) the Lokpal will make no difference to the lives of Indians, and could even make things worse in a number of ways.
FTI therefore asks the Indian people to seek solutions that will actually work.
The people of India have awakened due to the IAC movement. But it is important to understand that the solution does not lie in a Lokpal, but in a package of reforms that will essentially abolish socialism and make Indians free.
FTI invites you to support the team to provide India with modern, effective governance.
It is hard to remove the socialistic mindset of Indian politicians who think that voters want such policies. It is up to the educated class to show voters that demanding subsidies and handouts from politicians is not the right way to eliminate poverty. They voter must demand good governance, good education, not charity.
The poor will become prosperous through freedom. On this journey, a social minimum (which includes high quality private school education for all children and a guaranteed top-up to eliminate poverty) will support those who falter on this journey towards freedom, integrity, and prosperity.
In simple language, let’s drain the swamp so that mosquitoes don’t breed. It is not a sensible idea to kill the mosquitoes, one at a time.
Back to the policy page of FTI.
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